[p2p-research] A history of pirates: The New Yorker
Paul D. Fernhout
pdfernhout at kurtz-fernhout.com
Mon Sep 14 22:28:18 CEST 2009
From:
"A history of pirates"
http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/books/2009/09/07/090907crbo_books_crain?printable=true
(may not be available in a couple of days, so look now if you are interested).
"""
The men who sailed with Morgan were known as buccaneers. They were French
and English men who had gone native on Hispaniola, the island now occupied
by Haiti and the Dominican Republic, and on Tortuga, a tiny island to the
north. Their name came from a wooden frame, called a boucan by the Carib
Indians, on which they smoked wild boar and cattle. They were the ones who
developed the first pirate code of ethics, the Custom of the Coast, at the
core of which was an explicit agreement about the sharing of booty, power,
and responsibility called a chasse partie. Before attacking Panama, for
instance, the buccaneers stipulated that Morgan was to get a hundredth part
of the loot, with the rest divided into shares for the more than two
thousand men in the expedition: each captain under Morgan was to get eight
shares, and each man one share. They also allocated set-asides for
professionals (two hundred pesos for each surgeon, a hundred for each
carpenter), incentive payments (fifty to anyone who captured a Spanish flag,
five to anyone who threw a grenade into a fort), and compensations for
injury (a hundred for a lost eye, fifteen hundred for two legs). Pirates
usually further agreed to maroon pilferers, to give “good quarter” to any
victim who asked, and to keep their weapons clean. Sometimes they went so
far as to forbid gambling and onboard romance (“No Boy or Woman to be
allowed amongst them,” one such contract read) and to restrict late-night
drinking to the deck.
Because criminal agreements have no legal force, it’s tempting to think
of pirate articles as quaint—if not misguided, considering how often they
showed up in court as evidence against their signatories. Leeson is at pains
to show the articles as a rational choice, enabling pirates to create a
voluntary association that was stable and orderly. By setting terms in
advance, punishing embezzlement harshly, and keeping the pay gap between
captain and men low, the articles reduced conflict over property claims. By
limiting drinking and requiring clean weapons, they curbed individual
behaviors that might otherwise have damaged the crew’s fighting ability. And
by rewarding special achievements and providing health insurance they
encouraged enthusiasm and risk-taking. The results were impressive. “As
great robbers as they are to all besides,” a sea cook observed in 1709, they
“are precisely just among themselves.” No one could join a pirate crew
without swearing to the articles, which, Leeson explains, reduced what
economists call the “external costs” of decision-making—in this case, the
discontent of anyone who thought them unfair, a dangerous sentiment when
betrayal meant hanging. Articles also made it harder for leaders to cheat,
because their public nature enabled every pirate to tell if a rule had been
broken. The only rules as tough and flexible, Leeson provocatively suggests,
were the covenants that founded New England’s Puritan churches.
...
Friendships and working relationships linked pirate society across ships.
Most captains knew one another personally, and many hunted together for a
spell. Through their shared culture, they refined shipboard democracy. The
supreme power aboard a pirate ship was the common council, which Marcus
Rediker calls a “floating town meeting.” Whoever had sworn to the articles
could vote. Captains were elected, and ate the same food as their men. Only
when the ship was fighting or fleeing could a captain make decisions on his
own, and he could be deposed if the crew thought him cowardly or his
treatment of prisoners too cruel or too kind. In daily matters, his power
was checked by that of another elected official, the quartermaster, who
distributed food and booty and administered minor punishments.
In Leeson’s opinion, there was a sound economic basis for all this
democracy. Most businesses suffer from what economists call the
“principal-agent problem”: the owner doesn’t work, and the workers, not
being stakeholders, lack incentives; so a certain amount of surveillance and
coercion is necessary to persuade Ishmael to hunt whales instead of spending
all day in his hammock with Queequeg. Pirates, by contrast, having stolen
the ships they sailed, were both principals and agents; they still needed a
captain but, Leeson explains, “they didn’t require autocratic captains
because there were no absentee owners to align the crew’s interests with.”
The insight suggests more than Leeson seems to want it to—does inequity
always entail political repression?—and late in the book he backtracks,
cautioning that the pirate example “doesn’t mean democratic management makes
sense for all firms,” only that management style should be adjusted to the
underlying ownership structure. But a certain kind of reader is likely to
ignore the hedging, and note that the pirates, two centuries before Lenin,
had seized the means of production.
Leeson’s analysis unriddles a number of Snelgrave’s mysteries. Merchant
sailors quietly gave in to pirate attacks because of a principal-agent
problem—it wasn’t their cargo—and because doing so enabled them to adopt a
way of life that was a hundred to a thousand times more lucrative. Snelgrave
may have been under the impression that pirates forced men to join, but this
was for the most part a myth, devised for the sake of a legal defense if
caught. Until their final, desperate days, pirates took few conscripts,
because so many sailors begged to enlist and because conscripts had the
unpleasant habit of absconding and testifying against pirates in court. As
for the death-defying attitude—“a merry Life and a short one” was
Bartholomew Roberts’s motto—pirates cultivated it to convince people that
they had what economists call a high discount rate. If future punishments
meant so little, their wildest threats were credible. ...
Piracy seems to thrive when capitalism is advancing—when it has put
enough wealth in motion to tempt criminals to kill for it but not yet enough
for sailors to die in its defense—and perhaps, as in Somalia, when
government is retreating. In several ways, Somalia’s contemporary pirates
resemble those of three centuries ago. Violent and dangerous, they
nonetheless are careful not to hurt coöperative hostages; they look to
piracy to take them from poverty to a life of leisure; they have been known
to regulate their own behavior with written rules; and they believe that
their cause is just. The timing of their end, too, will probably be similar,
coming whenever a major power decides that a crackdown costs less than the
nuisance.
Are pirates socialists or capitalists? Lately, it’s become hard to tell
the categories apart. Toward the end of his book, Leeson suggests that
pirate self-governance proves that companies can regulate themselves better
than governments can, as if he sees the pirate ship as a prototype of the
modern corporation, sailing through treacherously liberal waters. Such
arguments haven’t aged well over the past year, but even in piracy’s golden
age people were aware that an unregulated marketplace invites predators.
During the South Sea Bubble of 1720, speculators claiming to be able to make
wealth out of debt fleeced British investors and ruined many banks. Pirates
who spent that year killing and plundering, Nathaniel Mist grumpily wrote,
could salve their guilty consciences, if they had any: “Whatever Robberies
they had committed, they might be pretty sure they were not the greatest
Villains then living in the World.”
"""
I am not endorsing piracy of any sort, of course (it sounds like overall not
a very happy way to live, to begin with, one hundred men stuck on a tiny
ship). I'm just pointing to interesting historical aspects of their social
forms sometimes, especially the democratic aspects found where they might
seem unexpected.
--Paul Fernhout
http://www.pdfernhout.net/
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